France’s independent course
Where Britain was enervated by the advent of the missile age and the Third World, France was invigorated. The weak Fourth Republic had suffered defeat in Indochina and was embroiled in a civil war between French settlers and native Muslims in Algeria. When de Gaulle was called back to power eight months after Sputnik 1, he set about to forestall a threatened coup d’état by the French army, stabilize French politics, end the Algerian debacle (independence was granted in 1962 in the Treaty of Évian), and restore French power and prestige in the world. His constitution for a Fifth Republic established presidential leadership and restored France’s political stability, itself an achievement of great value to the West. De Gaulle’s vision of France, however, involved neither la plus grande France of the colonial empire nor the Atlanticist France of NATO nor the European France of the Common Market (EEC). Rather, de Gaulle proclaimed that a France without grandeur was not France at all and set out to reestablish French military, technological, and diplomatic independence.
France’s decolonization proceeded as rapidly as Britain’s, culminating in 1960 with the partition and independence of French West Africa. De Gaulle, however, refused to exhibit any guilt or doubt about France’s mission civilisatrice and offered the populations a choice between going it alone or joining a linguistic, monetary, and development community with the former metropole. Only Guinea elected to follow a Marxist leader who sought ties with the U.S.S.R.
In defense matters, de Gaulle bristled at NATO’s reliance on the United States and publicly doubted whether the U.S. nuclear umbrella over Europe was still reliable after Sputnik. Would the Americans really risk a nuclear attack on New York City or Washington, D.C., to defend Berlin or Paris? Therefore, de Gaulle accelerated the quiet development of a nuclear capacity begun under the Fourth Republic, and France exploded its first atomic bomb in 1960. He also quintupled French spending on research and development, built independent bomber, missile, and submarine forces—the nuclear force de frappe—and made France the third space power with the launch of an Earth satellite in 1965. Gaullist France’s rebellion against the tutelage of a superpower unwilling to accord it diplomatic equality or help it develop nuclear weapons bore genuine comparison to Maoist China. Like the U.S.S.R., the United States tried various means to rein in its obstreperous ally, first trying to dissuade France from developing nuclear weapons, then inviting it to join a multilateral nuclear force (MLF) under NATO command. First suggested in December 1960, the MLF was pushed by Kennedy and Johnson, but de Gaulle responded with contempt, while Adenauer feared to join lest he damage West German relations with France. The idea of an MLF died in 1965, and in July 1966 de Gaulle took the final step of withdrawing French armed forces from NATO (though France remained a political member of the alliance). NATO headquarters were then moved from Paris to Brussels.
De Gaulle similarly distrusted the movement for European integration, preferring what he termed “the Europe of the fatherlands” stretching “from the Atlantic to the Urals”—the latter phrase provocatively including the European portion of the Soviet Union. He tolerated European institutions such as the EEC, but only on terms of strict French leadership in partnership with West Germany; hence his veto of Britain’s application in 1963. Moreover, de Gaulle viewed European cooperative programs in atomic and space research as ways to tap foreign contributions for the improvement of French national competitiveness, not as ways for France to contribute to European unity. Adenauer eagerly accepted de Gaulle’s leadership in order to complete Germany’s postwar rehabilitation and retain the EEC market for Germany’s booming industry. De Gaulle, however, crushed any lingering hopes for European political integration by boycotting the EEC in 1965–66 rather than allow the federalist commissioner Walter Hallstein to enhance the decision-making power of the EEC Parliament. Finally, de Gaulle delighted in open criticism of American foreign policy and courted closer relations with Moscow (which in return seized upon what appeared to be an opportunity to split the alliance), culminating in the pomp of a state visit in 1966. In all these ways Gaullist policy was a constant vexation to Washington, but in the long run it was probably a boon to the Western alliance for the technological dynamism, political stability, and military might it restored to France.
Asia beneath the superpowers
The first rebellions against the European imperial system had occurred on the rimlands of Asia at the start of the 20th century: the Russo-Japanese War, the Indian home-rule movement, and the Chinese and Young Turk revolutions. By the 1960s the southern tier of Asian states had given birth to local systems of power and rivalry beyond the control of the Great Powers. Several factors set these nations and their conflicts apart. First, the Middle East, the Indian subcontinent, and Indochina all seethed with ethnic conflicts that had little to do with the Cold War. Second, eastern and southern Asia continued to undergo a demographic explosion that made China and India by far the most populous states in the world and non-Soviet Asia the home of 55 percent of the human race. Third, the politics of these societies, involved as they were in the awakening of vast peasant masses, the breakdown of traditional village agriculture, religious and dynastic structures, and programs for rapid modernization, did not easily fall into categories familiar to Soviet and American planners of the 1950s. Fourth, most of the Asian rim was remote from the European Soviet Union and North America, making direct intervention there expensive and risky. Nevertheless, continued Soviet efforts to win influence in the Middle East, Chinese claims to natural leadership of the poor southern half of the globe, and American attempts to preserve a structure of containment of the Communist world necessarily involved the Great Powers in Asian diplomacy. The fate of half of mankind could not, it seemed, be a matter of indifference to countries that claimed universal missions.
The Six-Day War
In the Middle East, Nasser’s star began to decline in the 1960s from its post-Suez peak. The Syrian Baʿth Party, though socialist, resented Nasser’s assumption of Arab leadership and in 1961 took the country out of the United Arab Republic, which it had formed with Egypt in 1958. Likewise, the presence of 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen failed to overcome the forces supporting the Yemeni imam, who was backed in turn by Saudi Arabia. On the other hand, the Cairo Conference of 1964 succeeded in rallying pan-Arab unity around resistance to Israel’s plans to divert the waters of the Jordan. Also with both eyes on Israel, the conference restored an Arab High Command and elevated the Palestinian refugees (scattered among several Arab states since 1948) to a status approaching sovereignty, with their own army and headquarters in the Gaza Strip. Syria likewise sponsored a terrorist organization, al-Fatah, whose raids against Jewish settlements provoked Israeli military reprisals inside Jordan and Lebanon. Syria was divided principally between the socialist Baʾth, led by the minority ʿAlawite community that dominated the army, and pro-Nasser pan-Arabists. In 1966 a military coup established a radical Baʿthist regime, but the army itself then split into rival factions. Nasser took the initiative to prevent a rightist reversal in Syria and reassert his leadership of the Arab cause.
Armed with Soviet tanks and planes, Nasser claimed his option under the 1956 accord to demand withdrawal of UN peacekeeping forces from the Sinai. Secretary-General U Thant complied on May 19, 1967. Four days later Nasser closed the Gulf of Aqaba to Israeli shipping. The Soviets apparently urged Nasser to show moderation, while President Johnson told Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban to remain calm: “Israel will not be alone unless it decides to go alone.” Neither superpower, however, was able to restrain its client. When Egyptian and Iraqi troops arrived in Jordan, giving every sign of an imminent pan-Arab attack, the Israeli Cabinet decided on a preemptive strike. The Israeli air force destroyed Nasser’s planes on the ground, and in six days of fighting (June 5–10) the Israeli army overran the Sinai, the West Bank of the Jordan, including the Old City of Jerusalem, and the strategic Golan Heights in Syria. The UN Security Council arranged a cease-fire and passed Resolution 242, calling for a withdrawal from all occupied regions. The Israelis were willing to view their conquests (except Jerusalem) as bargaining chips but insisted on Arab recognition of the right of Israel to exist and firm guarantees against future attack. The so-called frontline Arab states were neither able (for domestic reasons) nor willing to give such guarantees and instead courted Soviet and Third World support against “U.S.–Israeli imperialism.” Hence Israel remained both greatly enlarged and possessed of shorter, more defensible borders, although it did acquire the problem of administering more than a million Arabs in Gaza and the West Bank.
China, India, and Pakistan
The Indian subcontinent comprised another system of conflict focused on border disputes among India, Pakistan, and China. Nehru’s Congress Party had stabilized the political life of the teeming and disparate peoples of India. The United States looked to India as a laboratory of democracy and development in the Third World and a critical foil to Communist China and in consequence had contributed substantial amounts of aid. The U.S.S.R. also began an effective aid program in 1955, and Nehru looked to the U.S.S.R. for support against China once the Sino-Soviet split became evident. The Peking regime had brutally suppressed the buffer state of Tibet in 1950 and disputed the border with India at several points between the tiny Himalayan states of Nepal, Bhutan, and Sikkim. American military aid to Pakistan (a member of CENTO) also gave the Indians and Soviets reason to cooperate. In 1961, when President Ayub Khan of Pakistan earnestly sought Kennedy’s mediation in the dispute over Kashmir, U.S. pressure proved inadequate to bring Nehru to the bargaining table.
Nehru was humbled, however, when the Chinese suddenly attacked in force across the disputed boundaries, choosing as their moment the height of the Cuban missile crisis. Indian forces were soundly defeated, 7,000 men having been killed or captured, and the lowlands of Assam lay open to the invaders. The Chinese leadership apparently had expected a Soviet triumph in Cuba, or at least a drawn-out crisis that would prevent superpower intervention in India, but the swift resolution in Cuba in favor of the United States permitted Washington to respond to Nehru’s request for help. The Chinese then halted the offensive and soon afterward withdrew.
The Kennedy administration used its newly won leverage to urge Nehru to settle his quarrel with Pakistan, but the negotiations failed to overcome Hindu–Muslim antipathy and the fact that the conflict was a unifying element in the domestic politics of both countries. Pakistani troops crossed the cease-fire line in Kashmir in August 1965, and India responded by invading Pakistan proper. Both superpowers backed U Thant’s personal quest for a cease-fire, and the Indians withdrew. The U.S.S.R. was able to regain influence with New Delhi, especially after the accession to power of Nehru’s daughter, Indira Gandhi. In 1971 India and the U.S.S.R. concluded a 20-year Treaty of Peace and Friendship and Cooperation, an indication of how much the United States (not to mention Britain) had lost touch with the once model Third World democracy. Pakistan, meanwhile, was in ferment. President Ayub Khan was forced to step down in 1969 in favor of Yahya Khan, while elections in 1970 polarized the geographically divided country. West Pakistan chose Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as prime minister, but densely populated East Pakistan (Bengal) voted almost unanimously for a separatist party under Mujibur Rahman. When talks between the two leaders broke down, Bhutto gambled on sending in troops and jailing the secessionists. Vicious fighting broke out in Bengal, flooding India with some 10,000,000 refugees and provoking Indian intervention. The Soviets cautioned restraint but clearly favored India, while U.S. President Nixon sent a carrier task force into the Bay of Bengal and openly favored Pakistan, influenced by the country’s role as intermediary between Washington and Peking. In two weeks of fighting (December 3–16, 1971) the Indians defeated the Pakistanis on all fronts, and East Pakistan became the new state of Bangladesh, located in the delta of the Padma (Ganges) and Jamuna (Brahmaputra) rivers. Pakistan thus lost well over half its population. Once Nixon’s opening to China bore fruit, the subcontinent seemed to be polarized around a U.S.S.R.–India axis and a U.S.–Pakistan–China axis, though the United States resumed aid and food shipments during the Indian famine of 1972.
To the south and east of the Asian mainland lay the vast, populous archipelago of Indonesia, where another romantic revolutionary, Sukarno, had played host to the Bandung Conference of 1955. Like Nasser, Nehru, and Mao, he ruled his 100,000,000 people by vague, hortatory slogans that added up to a personal ideology with nationalist and Communist overtones. The Kennedy administration had tried to appease Sukarno with development aid and even obliged the Dutch to cede Irian Barat (Irian Jaya) in the face of Sukarno’s threats in 1963. Sukarno still turned to Moscow for support and gave himself over to profligate personal behaviour and foreign adventures, most notably an attempted attack on Malaysia in 1963. By 1965 Indonesia was $2,400,000,000 in debt and suffering widespread famine. In January of that year Sukarno withdrew his country from the UN over a dispute with Malaysia. The Soviets were clearly disgusted with Sukarno’s regime, while the rival Chinese persuaded (perhaps blackmailed) him into approving a savage pro-Communist putsch in October 1965. Suharto, however, put down the uprising and exacted a violent revenge in which as many as 300,000 Communists and their supporters were killed. Indonesia subsequently concerned itself with its internal problems, frustrating Soviet, Chinese, and American hopes for a strong ally.
The destruction of Indonesian Communism, achieved without the slightest American effort, was a source of great comfort for the United States. A diametrically opposite course of events had, by 1965, begun to unfold in the last theater of Asian conflict, Vietnam.
